Tuesday, May 10, 2011

California Supreme Court Case Of People v. Freeman: Is Prostitution Really Different From Pornography?

How Does The First Amendment Protect Pornographers But Not Prostitutes? The Absurd Answer Of The CA Supreme Court

The Atlantic's socially liberal Andrew Sullivan asked in March 2008 two very interesting questions: "1. Why is it illegal for me to pay a prostitute for sex, but it’s NOT illegal for a film director to pay two people to have sex in front of a camera and then make money for his product in the form of a DVD or an online download? 2. As a corollary: Why are a prostitute and her john held in such contempt by the media and the public, but Jenna Jameson and Ron Jeremy are treated as rock stars on both cable and network television? Are they not prostitutes? They were, in actuality, paid for sex. No?" The questions clearly answer themselves. The obvious answer to these questions is that Sullivan had pounced upon a legal contradiction that makes absolutely no sense. As a matter of consistency in the law alone, either both should be illegal or both should be legal.
I recently read the 1988 California Supreme Court opinion of People v. Freeman. It is an interesting case in that it dealt with a law against prostitution being used by the government to prosecute a pornographer who paid others to engage in ultimate sex acts such as sodomy and more. The pornographer was convicted for violating State statutes criminalizing prostitution. The Court had to accept that such a pornographer is no different than prostitution, or else explain the difference. In other words, the sole ruling of the Court was dedicated to answering precisely the sort of thoughtful questions posed by Andrew Sullivan and should have any legal theorist scratching their head.

If you expected an answer from this high court that was on par in profundity with the questions posed, you will be sorely disappointed. My first reaction to
People v. Freeman is that the First Amendment "obscenity" doctrines created by the judiciary and United States Supreme Court are completely nonsensical (see http://www.stevelackner.com/2011/05/right-constitutional-approach-to-first.html for an explanation of why pornography and sexually explicit material should not be considered protected First Amendment speech in the first place). The linchpin of the entire case in People v. Freeman is faulty, the reasoning laying on shaky ground at the outset. The Court states that the “film was not determined to be obscene and for purposes of this review must be deemed to be not obscene. Thus the prosecution of defendant under the pandering statute must be viewed as a somewhat transparent attempt at an ‘end run’ around the First Amendment and the state obscenity laws. Landmark decisions of this court and the United States Supreme Court compel us to reject such an effort.” All this proves is that landmark decisions of the California and United States Supreme Court have been foolish and have themselves made a mockery of the First Amendment. No end running should be needed, the prosecutor should be able to run head on without First Amendment worry. The idea that as a matter of law decided by a few judges this is not an obscene film, despite the fact that the jury in the case felt it was worthy of prosecution under a prostitution statute, is an absurdity. I take very serious issue with the line of reasoning of this Court that states “since the acts involved here have not been adjudged obscene, they are within the protection of the First Amendment.” They should indeed be considered obscene as judged by those who prosecuted and convicted the pornographer, and they should not therefore be within the protection of the First Amendment. This faulty reasoning is so pervasive in this case that it makes the Court completely unable to accept or even respond to the government’s reasonable constitutional arguments.

The Court said that the State of California argued it was prosecuting criminal “conduct, not speech.” The First Amendment only protects against government "abridging the freedom of speech," and the Supreme Court has rightly long recognized that there is an obvious difference between Constitutionally protected speech and unprotected conduct. In response to this argument, once again the California Supreme Court mindlessly repeats that the actions of the pornographer cannot be considered within the constitutional power of the government to criminalize to begin with because his product is not “obscene.” In the mind of the Court, it is sufficient to rule simply that the pornographer's activities are not within the power of government because the film is nonobscene, and therefore it is not conduct that the government can regulate. But that line of reasoning is a restatement of the absurd "obscenity" rule as seen in case law, not an actual response to the fact that what is being targeted is clearly conduct. Anyone watching the film would realize right away that conduct is taking place, not speech. Otherwise, no one would watch the film and the pornographer would not profit from it. In the case, a pornographer was paying individuals to engage in acts of intercourse and sodomy. If sodomy is not "conduct," the word "conduct" has lost all meaning. Even if one were to accept that a film depicting sodomy is not obscene, that does not magically transform what is taking place on screen into any sort of "speech." Ultimate sex acts performed in front of a camera is undoubtedly conduct that happens to be performed in front of a camera.

Because of the judiciary's wrongheaded obscenity precedents, the government was forced to try to come up with alternative reasons for the prosecution that it should not have had to. The Court explained the government justifications for the conviction were “the prevention of profiteering from prostitution, and second is a public health purpose.” Again, repetition of “this is not obscene” is all the Court needed to declare in response. The Court arrogantly declared that “punishment of a motion picture producer for the making of a nonobscene film, however, has little if anything to do with the purpose of combating prostitution.” This is utter madness. If combating prostitution is defined as targeting for criminal prosecution those who pay for sex, then it of course has everything to do with combating prostitution. There is clearly profiteering from paying for sex acts to take place. Pray tell, if the client of an actual prostitute were to demand that all services be performed in front of a camera, would it now transform into a “nonobscene” “non-conduct” First Amendment right? The fact that it is being filmed would of course no longer transform this from an act of prostitution into an act of First Amendment protected speech.

The Supreme Court of California then further writes that these government interests “not only directly involve the suppression of free expression but are, in the context of a pandering prosecution for the making of a nonobscene motion picture, not credible.” Does that really in any way even attempt to respond to the public health justification? Not even slightly. The absurdity of legal precedents concerning obscenity is on full display in this case. It makes the California Supreme Court not even have to respond to basic points being made by the side from which it has chosen to ignore. All that needs to be done is continuously parroting the line in response to whatever the government says that is “this is not obscene and therefore First Amendment protected speech” no matter the argument made.

This Court seems to assume that a commercial pornographer is not a form of prostitution because a third party is paying others to have sex. If that is the case, such an assumption makes little sense. Prostitution itself would then be completely legal so long as a third party pays for the service. Yet I do not think any Court would extend this reasoning to an actual case of prostitution.

The Court then states that this case is incomparable to filming a murder or robbery because “considered aside from the payment of the acting fees, itself fully lawful otherwise, the sexual acts depicted in the motion picture here were completely lawful.” Are you kidding me? This is astounding. Could this exact line not be transferred to prostitution itself? Aside from the payment of service fees, itself fully lawful otherwise, the sexual acts of a prostitute are completely lawful. As George Carlin joked about prostitution itself, “One thing I don't understand is sex is legal and selling things is legal, but selling sex is illegal." It is flabbergasting that the California Supreme Court would attempt to make such an asinine distinction.

Whether paying for porn actors to perform sex acts on film should be a criminal act is not the issue.  That is a policy question for the legislature and jury to decide upon, and the absolutely feeble attempts to distinguish it from prostitution coming from the California Supreme Court in and of itself demonstrates that it is not a constitutional or judicial one. This conviction should have been upheld. The perverse "obscenity" precedents that are so strongly relied upon for such results need also be abandoned to return some basic Constitutional sanity in the First Amendment.

7 comments:

  1. "I did not have sex with that woman".

    "What do you mean by 'sex'?"

    Two statements that had William Clinton impeached and should have removed him from office.

    But in our "Humpty Dumpty" world where "a word means exactly what I want it to mean at the time. Nothing more or less", we have decisions like this that skirt the law and societies right to determine what is harmful to the community.

    The very basis of our Republic is "Rule of Law". When our Judges can rule that is doesn't fit their "legal" definition of "obscene" they throw out the principle of Law. Under this ruling, as long as I do not touch a woman, I can pay her for any obscene or immoral act, because it doesn't fit the definition of "obscene". To carry this to bizarre extreme, is conspiracy to commit Murder illegal, because the person conspiring hasn't actually killed anyone, fulfilling the "definition" of murder?

    What tripe! What utter nonsense. And how typical of a California Court. That's why it is called "The Land of Fruits and Nuts".

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  2. Thanks, as usual, for the great comment. The Court was given the task of distinguishing pornography from prostitution, and it failed miserably. It exposes the idiocy that so often is a part of the judiciary and how absurd doctrines lead to ridiculous conclusions.

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  3. Isn't the answer obvious? All John's should now ask a prostitute if they will appear with him in his porn video he is making. Thereby now protected by law.

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  4. As a follow up.. since a third party must pay for the sex act, then all John's simply have a DBA (doing business as) company which pays for the "act". Or form an LLC if a John wants to ensure legal protection.

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  5. The logic of this California Supreme Court ruling would indeed lead to the sort of results you are suggesting. That is because, with a judiciary run amok, there are far too many baseless decisions. This is just one case that is demonstrative of a judiciary gone crazy.

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  6. Consider the logic (and logistics) of having almost every major film producer, director and actor(ress) dragged into court for a love scene or knee length dress or even a suggestive glance caught on camera that doesn't pass muster with "someone's" subjective standard of decency.

    Although the legal definition of prostitution is curiously and perhaps, deliberately, open - 'The act of offering one's self for hire to engage in sexual relations', my understanding of the burden of proving that any act constitutes prostitution and not a protected form of expression lies in its intention.
    In decrying Freeman vs. California, you have not proposed an alternative that wouldn't drain the coffers and resources of the entire nation within a month. There are billions of works in circulation or production that would certainly qualify as commercially sexually on someone's radar. In my opinion, the practical question to ask is whether we as a voting, tax paying polity want to invest in the prosecution of a rolling target that cannot be sufficiently objectified due to the fundamentally subjective nature of human expression.
    Again, I have to ask is the focus is being (mis)placed on the act and not the intention behind it?
    If society could devise a way of objectively evaluating the moral quantity of the actions of each of its citizens that would be acceptable to everyone - by all means, we should start policing individual actions. Of course, that will never happen. The only other way of prosecuting pornography while protecting the first amendment would be to deem any and all sensual activity as obscene, harmful and in the worst interest of society as a whole.

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    1. You write that "[t]he practical question to ask is whether we as a voting, tax paying polity want to invest in the prosecution." Which is precisely why it is not a decision that should be made by the judiciary, but by the people, the voting tax paying polity, or their local representatives. The outcome of this case is not what concerns me. What I decry is nonsense from judges inserting themselves where they clearly do not belong with rulings that make little sense.

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